By DICK MORRIS
November 2, 2005 -- Two-term presidents fail in
their second terms largely because of their successes in their first
terms.
Elected to solve certain problems, they usually
succeed, winning plaudits and approval sufficient to propel them to reelection.
But the fact remains that their success comes at a price: There is nothing left
of their original agenda for them to do and no way to control events.
These second-term presidents end up confronting an
array of problems that they never pretended they would be able to solve, and
more often than not these issues bring them down.
This paradox is amply illustrated by twentieth
century history. Only Theodore Roosevelt had a successful second term, largely
because he took office after an assassination and required time to develop the
progressive agenda that would ultimately shape his presidency.
Woodrow Wilson, elected to accomplish the goals of
progressivism, fell over the League of Nations. FDR, elected to stop the
Depression, failed in his second term over his attempts to pack the Supreme
Court. His place in history was rescued by his successful third term as war
engulfed the United States.
Harry Truman became popular by rescuing Europe from
communism but fell over the prolonged war in Korea. Eisenhower’s second term was
marred by his ill health in recession. Johnson, having passed the Civil Rights
Act, fell over Vietnam.
Richard Nixon, having pulled out of Vietnam, fell
over Watergate. Ronald Reagan, having cut taxes and won the Cold War, was
brought low over the Iran-Contra scandal. And Bill Clinton, having balanced the
budget, reformed welfare, and ended the recession, found himself impeached over
Monica Lewinsky.
George W. Bush, elected to cut taxes and reform
education, accomplished his agenda in his first year in office. Given a new task
by Sept. 11, he has succeeded in methodically removing, converting or limiting
the governments that sponsor terrorism.
Only Syria, under assault, and Iran, facing a solid
international front determined to bar its path to nuclear weapons, remain from
the original list. Libya has capitulated, Iraq and Afghanistan are conquered and
North Korea appears likely to forswear nuclear ambitions.
We feel safe from attack, perhaps wrongly, four
years after Sept. 11. And Bush has accomplished his agenda.
But he is paying the price of his success. He lacks
an issue to capture America’s imagination and dominate Washington’s agenda. His
Social Security proposal is a nonstarter. His energy and highway bills were
largely devoid of innovation and were trivial in scope if not in spending. Bush
has nothing left to do.
So he is falling prey to opportunistic infections
such as Libby-gate, the Harriet Miers nomination and Hurricane Katrina. For a
president to survive his predicament, he must pivot and adopt a new agenda for
the balance of his term.
Losing control over events after the early years of
his term, Clinton embraced welfare reform and deficit reduction as his
priorities and kept control over events until he was undone by
Monica.
What Bush needs is a new agenda to capture control
of the nation’s politics. Here are some suggestions:
• A fence along to border to stop illegal
immigration and a vast expansion of our capacity to apprehend, hold and deport
aliens who overstay their visas.
• A tough new drug policy focused on reducing
demand by mandating drug testing in schools and incentives for employers to
require testing at the workplace.
• A national crusade to free America of oil
dependence including promotion of hybrid cars, production and distribution of
hydrogen fuels, nuclear power, the installation of recapture mechanisms to make
coal burning clean, and expansion of biofuels, solar power and wind
energy.
Bush will not recapture the initiative by a battle
over Samuel Alito’s nomination to the Supreme Court. Why he did not choose to
nominate Judge Janet Rogers Brown, who had already been ruled non-filibusterable
by the group of 14 senators who hold the balance of power, is a
mystery.
But the blood that will flow from Alito’s
nomination will do nothing to move his favorability above 40 percent. It will
strengthen his base but will also fortify and enliven the left. Meanwhile, he
will remain ghettoized and emasculated with a low approval
rate.